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Dhaka’s air unhealthy for sensitive groups
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30 Aug 2020, 14:41
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Dhaka ranked sixth worst in the Air Quality Index (AQI) on Sunday.
The capital city had an AQI score of 112 in the morning, indicating that the air quality was unhealthy for sensitive groups.
A numerical value between 101 and 150 indicates that members of the sensitive groups may experience health effects. The general public is less likely to be affected.
Brazil’s Sau Paulo with a score of 153 topped the list of cities with worst air quality.
The following places were respectively taken by Indonesia’s Jakarta, China’s Chengdu and Shenzhen.
The AQI, an index for reporting daily air quality, tells people how clean or polluted the air of a certain city is and what associated health effects might be a concern for them.
‘No improvement in sight’
Dhaka, one of the most densely populated cities in the world, has been grappling with air pollution for a long time. The air quality generally worsens during summer and shows signs of improvement in monsoon when the dust settles.
Environment, Forests and Climate Change Minister Md Shahab Uddin had admitted that the air pollution in Dhaka reached an intolerable level while the High Court issued a nine-point directive to bring down air pollution in the capital.
In an interview with UNB, he said brick kilns were responsible for 58 percent air pollution in the capital.
He said the Department of Environment (DoE) and the World Bank published a research report on the sources of air pollution in Bangladesh in March last year which identified brick kilns, fumes of vehicles and dust from construction sites as three main sources.
On January 13, the High Court issued nine-point directive following a writ petition filed by Human Rights and Peace for Bangladesh (HRPB).
Source: UNB
AH
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Thar: The language of the Bede community - a rereading
I have already read various discussions about the book 'Thar: The Language of the Gipsy People'. This book became an exceptional book of our time in terms of research, content, presentation, cover and outlook.
I would like to start with a quote from Professor Maggie Tallerman [author of Language Origins : Perspective and Evolution] of Newcastle University. She said, "Humans are the only species which has developed complex spoken and written language, because of the communicative languages we are different from other animals." There are thousands of languages in the world. Chinese Mandarin is spoken by 1 billion people. On the other hand, the number of language users of the Gipsy community is only about forty thousand. Author Habibur Rahman has worked on such a language which has no script. Again, the language does not belong to the Indo-European group, the world's largest language family.
This huge book of 368 pages has a total 22 chapters. The chapters are progressed according to the research methodology. At the very beginning, the author's fascination about the reputed linguist Chomsky emerges with certain clarity.
As the language of the Gipsy community is different, so is the language of the 'Rishi' or 'Mochi' community. However, the language of this scheduled class has nothing in common with the language of the Gipsy community. As the language has no script, some scholars have attempted to identify it as a sign language or 'uncivilized language'. However, linguist Sukumar Sen says, 'Specific words (adopted from one or more languages) are used in a special sense to convey confidential information or to make others unable to be comprehended but necessary dialogues naturalized in public for dishonest purposes. Such use of language is called uncivilized labguage or Apartha-Bhasha.'
Another study unfolds the fact that the 'Bede' community was identified as suspicious during the British rule. Even today they are leaving behind the example of being involved in any criminal activities for the sake of livelihood.
Author Habibur Rahman says in the introduction of the book, that 'Traditionally, the life of the 'Bedes' are centered on boats. In the last few decades, due to rapid improvement of the overall communication system in the country and the reduction of the navigability of rivers and canals, their lifestyle has also been changing. The so-called talisman mantras and herbal medicine profession of the ancestors of the community is declining alarmingly with the development of modern medical methods and the wide spread of technology. As a result, most of these people are involved in various criminal activities and deteriorating the law and order situation in various areas. In order to earn a living, they have been joining into the drug trade. The leave for Teknaf with the boxes of the snakes, and comes back with the bundles of Yaba drugs.'
When the author was serving as the Superintendent of Police in Dhaka district, he first noticed the issue and decided to change their criminal mindset gradually.
Many writers in Bengali literature have tried to portray this vulnerable community. Pallikobi Jasimuddin wrote the play 'Beder Meye'. Poet Nazrul wrote some noteworthy songs on this tribe. Tarashankar Banerjee wrote short story 'Bedeni'. Tozammel Haque Bakul made a feature film 'Beder Meye Josna'. It is known as the most successful movie of all time in Bangladesh. Malkosh is one of the ragas in North Indian music genre. Some music researchers believe that this raga originated from the tunes of the Gipsy community.
We believe that the information included in the book of writer-researcher Habibur Rahman will play an extraordinary role in the study of this small ethnic group in the future. Not much work has been done in Bengali language on minority languages. Some work has been done on the Garos and Chakmas in the past. After reading the book, it seems that the author has given ideas and links to the future generations of scholars. The book has already received national and international recognitions. Like APJ Abdul Kalam Medal and International Mother Language Award-2023. The later award was presented by the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.
Habibur Rahman's book is a proof that one can be engaged in basic research while performing government duties. Author Habibur Rahman is currently Commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP). He is associated with various creative and innovative works too. Thanks to Panjeri Publications for publishing such a unique book. The cover of the book has been designed by Rajeev Raju. He has dedicated the book to his physician wife Dr. Wazed Shamsunnahar Disha and son Aftan Afif Abdullah.
At the end I will be happy to quote from poet Kamal Choudhury about the book : 'Habibur Rahman wrote the book following the participation observation method of research. When a researcher start researching on a specific subject, he has to come out from the shell and dares to enter inside. Habibur Rahman is successful showing his courage through unplugging the facts and documents.'
The writer of this article is a lawyer of Supreme Court. Former Banker and the first initiator of filing case against the killers of Bangabondhu
Rain likely in 4 divisions including Dhaka in next 24 hours
Rain or thundershowers accompanied by gusty or squally wind is likely to occur at a few places over Dhaka, Barishal, Chattogram and Sylhet divisions with moderately heavy to very heavy falls at places over the country.
This information was given by the BMD bulletin for the next 72 hours from 9 am on Friday (29th March).
According to the forecast, an extended part of the western low lies over West Bengal and adjoining areas. And the Seasonal low lies over the South Bay. Day and night temperature may rise slightly over Dhaka, Barishal, Chattogram and Sylhet divisions.
There is a possibility of rain in one or two places of Mymensingh and Sylhet divisions on Sunday (March 31). Weather may remain mainly dry with temporary partly cloudy sky elsewhere over the country.
Student politics can be reintroduced at BUET campus: VC
Vice-Chancellor of Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) Satya Prasad Majumder has said student politics can be reintroduced on the campus if teachers and students want.
He told to reporters on Sunday (March 31) at noon.
Dr. Satya Prasad Majumder said that the teachers and students had decided to ban politics in BUET earlier, they will have to take initiative again to change that decision. If they decide, then maybe politics can reintroduced at the campus.
At the same time, the BUET Vice-Chancellor urged the protesters to take part in the class and examination.
The students claimed that the BCL central leaders had organized a program at the campus around 1am amid the ban.
Meanwhile, Bangladesh Students League (BSL) leaders and activists paid homage to Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman by placing floral wreaths at his mural at the BUET campus on Saturday.
Earlier, BUET student Abrar was tortured to death by student leaders in 2019. At that time, student politics was banned on paper in the context of the demands of teachers and students. At the same time, the general students claim that politics did not stop even for a moment in the institution. Rather, extremist political organizations are taking advantage of the ban on student politics.
High Court allows student politics in BUET
The High Court has postponed the decision to ban political organisations and activities in Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) and allows student politics.
Justice Md Khasruzzaman and Justice KM Zahid on Monday (April 1) passed the order over hearing a writ petition.
Earlier in the morning, a writ petition was filed with the High Court seeking permission continue systematic student politics on BUET. The writ petition was filed in the relevant branch of the High Court.
On October 11, 2019, BUET student Imtiaz Hossain Rahim filed the writ petition challenging the legality of the 'emergency notice' issued by the BUET authorities.
The Indian Product Boycott Movement vs. Reclaiming the Hat
It’s best not to discuss or mention the type of person who announced the start of the Indian Product Boycott Movement. However, it was surprising to see some BNP political party leaders and supporters engage in such an unrealistic endeavor.
There exists a persistent anti-India sentiment in Bangladesh, deeply entrenched and hard to eradicate. This sentiment stems not only from the country’s partition or the Pakistan movement. Despite the division of the Indian subcontinent first into two and then into three parts, the underlying issue has always been religious. The emergence of these three countries was not based on modern principles, and religious influence still pervades among the leftists, rightists, and nationalists alike. Furthermore, these nations have yet to adopt any practical diplomacy and politics that could unite the culturally similar populations of this subcontinent. Politics in these countries are so ingrained in society that they overshadow common cultural heritage.
On the surface, the cultured individuals in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh do not harbor hatred or division. However, they are in the minority.
For the majority of the populace, the mindset is uniform. From Bangladesh, it may appear that anti-India sentiment is rampant within its borders. This opposition often becomes pronounced during elections or for political maneuvering. Conversely, the common people across India do not generally hold negative views about Bangladesh, which has minimal impact on India’s politics and economy. Thus, there is no significant basis for anti-Bangladesh sentiment in India. However, I have observed some journalists and professors in India expressing frustration, questioning whether India must provide food for Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangladesh.
Currently, Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangladesh have gained importance to India for security reasons. Many journalists who were initially annoyed about providing aid have substantially revised their opinions. They now support a friendly government in Bangladesh, understanding that China’s influence is expanding not only through Tista’s Chicken Neck and off the coast of Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal but also in parts of Chittagong. Hence, for their national security interests, Indian concerns extend beyond Bangladesh to West Bengal as well. Future changes in the political landscape or borders of West Bengal, driven by security needs, would not be surprising.
All these developments occur as India is poised to become the world’s third-largest economic power, with a GDP currently surpassing that of China.
In today’s political landscape, it is unrealistic to expect the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which has not only governed the nation multiple times but also played a pivotal role in SAARC during its 1991 tenure, to start opposing any SAARC country—even if by mistake.
The BNP boasts numerous educated leaders and high-caliber professionals within its ranks. They are well aware that product boycotts and non-cooperation movements have historically never succeeded. India’s Sarvodaya leader, Jayaprakash Narayan, acknowledged that the only successful non-cooperation movement occurred in Bangladesh in 1971. Despite his leftist leanings and admiration for Gandhi, Narayan viewed the Bangladeshi non-cooperation movement through Gandhi’s principles. However, this movement, led by Bangabandhu against the West Pakistan government, was not the endeavor of an opposition party. As an elected representative, Bangabandhu and his party were effectively the authority at that time. Although his party secured all its seats in East Pakistan, the West Pakistan-centric military government was reluctant to transfer power. Realizing that negotiations with Pakistan had reached a dead end, Bangabandhu took it upon himself to assert control in East Pakistan—soon to be Bangladesh. His initial step was to administer East Pakistan as per his directives rather than those of West Pakistan’s central government. Given that he was an elected leader, not only the populace but also the administrative machinery supported him.
Despite knowing this historical truth, the BNP lost to political strategies on October 28, 2023, they called for a non-cooperation movement. They received no significant response there. Yet, why some leaders and activists of the BNP—a party that has come to power several times—rely on the intellect and opinions of those dependent on Facebook and YouTube to engage in a boycott of Indian products is truly astonishing!
Critics of this movement would benefit from understanding Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi’s late-life reflections on his initiatives. Professor Nirmal Kumar Bose, Gandhi’s one-time private secretary, questioned the effectiveness of the foreign product boycott and the use of the spinning wheel. Gandhi responded that spinning increased concentration, a rationale that frustrated Bose. He found Gandhi’s explanation unsatisfactory and reflective of a ‘schoolmasterly’ demeanor, preferring to impose his views rather than foster understanding. Bose, with his urban sensibilities, choose silence over confrontation with Gandhi’s rural mindset. Thus, if BNP proponents of the boycott claim they are following Gandhi’s path to enhance focus, their rationale cannot be disputed further.
However, it must be acknowledged that the Indian Product Boycott Movement is unlikely to succeed, and it will not lead to anarchy. Essential and affordable products cannot be eradicated from the market. During Gandhi’s time, even the impoverished who supported his movements wore British mill-made clothes. Similarly, the absence of food riots today can be attributed to the availability of products in the market. Such chaos typically arises only when essential goods are inaccessible.
Moreover, the gap between the twentieth century, when Gandhi initiated the product boycott, and today’s global commercial landscape is immense, akin to the distance from the Earth to space. In the contemporary world, products from various countries are readily available side by side in markets everywhere. Consumers simply choose what they prefer. Presently, there is more contention between the people of America and China than between those of Bangladesh and India. Yet, despite the tensions, Bangladesh remains one of the top countries whose citizens frequently visit India. Similarly, Chinese tourists are among the highest in the United States. These tourists do not solely sightsee; they also purchase local products. Thus, regardless of calls in Bangladesh to boycott Indian goods, the multitude of tourists traveling daily are not carrying Bangladeshi items. Instead, they return with Indian goods and potentially, products from other countries like China, Vietnam, Britain, and the USA bought in India. Likewise, Chinese visitors to the US do not restrict their purchases to American products; they also buy items from Indonesia and other nations. In an era of global free trade, where the movement of goods is liberalized and consumers universally embrace the principle of sourcing from the most cost-effective markets, no politically savvy party that aims to govern in the modern world would adopt an outdated, impractical strategy like Gandhi’s product boycott.
Recent reports from BNP’s initial policy-making meeting confirm this modern approach. According to the newspapers, Iqbal Mahmud Tuku, one of their policymakers, asserted that the statement made by Rizvi was his own opinion and not representative of the party. Meanwhile, another senior policymaker, Amir Khosru Chowdhury, emphasized that Rizvi’s decisions or statements do not reflect the party’s stance.
On the other hand, isn’t the BNP’s frustration with the elections solely centered around India a kind of mistake? Didn’t China also want continuity in their investments here? Did the West only want ballots here? How much of democracy worldwide is actually in the hands of the ballot now! Instead, the BNP needs to understand that they were the ones who started corporate-controlled politics in this country, albeit on a small scale. But the Awami League has taken that Hat from them. Therefore, it shouldn’t be hard for the BNP’s senior policy makers to focus on retrieving their own Hat rather than looking towards movements like boycotting Indian products influenced by Facebook and YouTube users.
Swadesh Roy is a highest national award-winning journalist in Bangladesh, Editor and Publisher of Sarakhon & The Present World.
Source: The Present World
Schools and colleges to remain closed for 7 days
Heat alert has been issued in various parts of the country due to severe heatwave. In this situation, the Directorate of Secondary & Higher Education has extended the holidays of all secondary schools and colleges in the country till April 27 considering the health and safety of the students.
This information was given in a notification from the Directorate of Secondary and Higher Education on Saturday (April 20).
According to the notification, primary and secondary schools will remain closed for seven days from Apr 21 to Apr 27.
In this regard, Mahbubur Rahman Tuhin, senior information officer at the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education said that secondary level schools and colleges will remain closed till April 27 due to the heatwave. Regular classes will begin on April 28.
Earlier, the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education announced the closure of the primary school assembly through a notification due to the ongoing heatwave in the country.
The Ministry of Primary and Mass Education is keeping a close watch on the heatwave across the country. Considering the situation, all government primary school assemblies in the country will remain closed until further notice.
DU classes to be held virtually amid heatweave
Dhaka University (DU) authorities have decided to hold classes virtually until further notice due to the ongoing heatwave.
The university authorities made the announcement on Thursday (21 April).
According to a press release issued by DU today, the online classes will be held until further notice.
However, the residential halls at the university will remain open, Prof Sitesh Chandra Bachar of DU said.
