Students in a girls' school in Tehran remove their headscarves in protest against the Iranian government The uprising in Iran is feminist. After all, feminism isn't about putting women in power instead of men. It is about self-determination for all, men and women alike. And today's protesters regard the enforced wearing of the hijab as a symbol of the state's refusal to grant them self-determination. This right covers much more than "just" the right to dress as you like; it means the 50% of Iranians whose first language isn't Farsi being allowed to learn their first languages in schools; it means lesbians and gay men being able to freely express their sexual orientation; it means the Bahai being allowed to practice their religion — and so on. The artist Shervin Hajipour's song "Baraye" (meaning "for" or "because"), which has become a hymn of the uprising, summarizes a series of Twitter posts in which protesters give their reasons for taking to the streets: for dancing in the street; for the girl who wishes she was born a boy; for freedom, freedom, freedom. And there may well be as many men as women currently demonstrating for these things. In this respect, too, the videos that are now going viral are probably giving us a skewed picture. But the hijab is symbolic of all this, and that is why young girls are now tearing off their headscarves. Ironically, the hijab has been used as the ultimate symbol for systemic change in Iran once before, during the revolution that took place in 1978/79. And it looks like it might be again. A sledgehammer approach to modernization The hijab is tightly bound up with the history of emancipation in Iran, in the sense of liberation from a paternalistic state — and not just since 1978, the year of the last Iranian revolution of the 20th century: Reza Shah Pahlavi banned women from wearing it in 1936. Reza Shah, the Cossack general who rose to become an emperor, wanted to modernize his country in every way, even aesthetically — and he was prepared to take a sledgehammer approach to achieve this. And so Iranian women were banned by law from wearing a headscarf. The state itself tore the hijab from the heads of women in the street. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who succeeded his father on the throne, was at first a weak, indulgent ruler. Under his regime the hijab ban was less strictly enforced. Women and girls were free to wear a hijab in schools and on the street. It could still be detrimental to your career, however. An employee in a ministry or a bank, for instance, would have to choose between their headscarf and their job. Nor could they be worn in universities. Mohammad Reza continued his father's policy of westernization, which was once again shown first and foremost in outward appearances, such as the women wearing miniskirts and high heels who were now to be seen on the streets of Tehran. This new image for women — and the fact that they were much more present in public — met with resistance from sections of the conservative population. In an impressive study, the sociologist Martin Riesebrodt showed that the changes to the role of women was not just one of many points on the Islamists' agenda, but their central concern. Ali Shariati, for example, who was arguably the revolution's most important ideologue, said the new Iranian woman had become a tawdry doll who wanted only to please. He wrote: "So-called religion makes cry-babies of our women; so-called civilization makes them barmaids." The changes were not just to women's appearance, but also to their legal status. In the 1960s, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's criticism of the shah also focused on the new family law, which was designed to give women greater legal equality. Hijab as a symbol of protest against the shah Although the shah certainly introduced some laws that improved women's legal status, including giving them the right to vote, he remained primarily a dictator to them. In 1978, many Iranian women began wearing a hijab when they took to the streets to demonstrate against political oppression, as a way of manifesting their anti-shah position. The headscarf became the ultimate symbol of protest against the shah. Women also played a crucial role in the toppling of the shah's regime. The opposition politician and women's rights campaigner Parvaneh Eskandari, who was murdered in 1998 by henchmen of the Islamist regime, once made a statement that may seem surprising in light of the situation of women under the current regime. "Women played the same role as men [in toppling the shah — Editor's note]. But you mustn't forget that women had more constraints placed on them under the shah. In religion, they saw a way to overcome those constraints." The revolutionary leader Khomeini had promised freedom in all areas, but what followed was history repeating itself, though the omens were reversed. The headscarf became compulsory. Three rulers, one maxim: we will prescribe how women must dress, and deny them self-determination even in their choice of clothing. Iranian scholars debate the hijab Admittedly, things had been shifting in Iran for a long time prior to the protests that have now broken out — at least in the debate around the headscarf. And even among the imams, who are traditionally the hijab's greatest advocates. Ayatollah Fazel Meybodi from the theologists' capital of Ghom, for example, explained some years ago that, "The religious enlightener argues: I believe in the hijab. But a government interfering and saying, woman, why are you not wearing a hijab, no, I don't accept that. That is not the job of a government.” There was some danger involved in making any critical statement about the hijab, as the case of liberal cleric Hasan Eshkevari shows. He said: "The hijab is not one of the essential features of our religion; it is one of those social commandments that can change depending on circumstances." These words saw him charged with renouncing his religion in 2001, an offense that carries the death penalty in Iran. [Eshkevari was initially sentenced to death, but the sentence was subsequently commuted to life imprisonment — Editor's note.] And it is not only Iranian history that can be written in relation to the headscarf. It is also the ultimate symbol of this Iranian system. There are only three ideological pillars that make Iran an Islamic Republic. Two of them — the Iranian state doctrine and anti-Americanism — have been increasingly called into question since the late 1990s. And then there is the hijab. It isn't unfair of the West to associate the word "Iran” with the headscarf first and foremost. If Iran were to scrap this symbol, it would probably serve as sufficient evidence for the West that Iran was willing to reform. But that would be shortsighted. Fear is dissipating For this reason, the Islamists will cling to this piece of fabric for as long as they possibly can. The feminist lawyer Mehrangiz Kar once made a compelling argument for why Islamic systems of rule usually begin with the oppression of women. "They're choosing the weakest victims to create an atmosphere of fear. When fear rules, then everyone is afraid and the rulers can stabilize their power. It's impossible to imagine half of the people living in fear and at the same time the population as a whole confidently grappling with political problems." For many people, this fear has now abated. The whole of the young generation is so fed up of being infantilized, disciplined and monitored that they are now hitting back when the regime's henchmen start beating them. You can see this right now on the many videos being shared on social media, and it's new. In this struggle for self-determination, people are displaying a level of courage and cohesion we haven't seen before. For that reason, what we are seeing now is feminist. And feminist foreign policy would mean supporting Iranians in this feminist aim to achieve self-determination in their lives.   

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina today (Monday) revisited the history of country's protracted independence struggle extracting Bangamata Begum Fazilatun Nesa Mujib's key-shadow role particularly in major turning points like the six-point demand, Bangabandhu's conditional release issue and his March 7 speech.  "The decisions of my mother on major political issues helped us a lot in achieving the independence," the premier said as she distributed an annual award named after Begum Fazilatun Nesa.  Sheikh Hasina said Bangladesh's emergence would have been impossible unless Bangamata would have taken a bold step against proposed inclusion of two more points to the Six-Point Demand while Bangabandhu was in Pakistani military captivity during the Agartala conspiracy case.  The premier said several Awami League leaders were willing to accept Bangabandhu's release on parole while the trial of the case was underway, an idea that was strongly opposed by Bangamata who wanted his unconditional release.  Sheikh Hasina said if Bangabandhu would have come out accepting parole conditions, no fierce mass movement would have sparked forcing the then Pakistani junta to abandon the case, freeing the accused.  She feared in that situation all the accused would have been hanged on high treason charges, if not killed in captivity like their co-accused Sergeant Zahirul Haque during the trial.  "If Bangabandhu got released on parole, Bangladesh would have never witnessed its independence," the premier said.  Five distinguished women were conferred with the Bangamata Begum Fazilatun Nesa Mujib Padak-2022 for their outstanding contributions to various fields at the function.  Women and Children Affairs Ministry staged the function at the Osmani Memorial Auditorium coinciding with Bangamata's 92nd birth anniversary while the premier joined the event using the virtual platform from her Ganabhaban official residence. The Prime Minister said that many leaders had pressured to declare independence during Bangabandhu's March 7 speech in 1971.   But, Bangabandhu told the mammoth gatherings whatever was in his mind during the historic March 7 speech following the advice of Bangamata, she said, adding, "The opinion of my mother in this respect was given importance."   The office of the Deputy Commissioner, Gopalganj also remotely connected to it. Sheikh Hasina said her mother Begum Fazilatun Nesa Mujib was always beside her father Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman throughout his life including his student and political life as well.   "My mother was a 'shadow companion' of my father. She fully realised my father's ideal and always helped him--my mother inspired him every time as she understood my father was working for realising people’s rights" she said.   The Prime Minister said Bangamata never wanted anything that a wife usually desires from her husband rather she fulfilled Bangabandhu’s every requirement to help him in working for the country and its people's wellbeing.   She noted that Bangamata assured Bangabandhu of looking after their family. "You (Bangabandhu) need not to pay heed to family affairs as I'm taking care of that," the Prime Minister quoted her mother as saying.   Sheikh Hasina said Bangamata did everything in a systematic way adding she maintained a khata (book) of account where she put down every expenses of a month that included kitchen market, salary of teacher and school fee.      In absence of Bangabandhu, Bangamata even looked after the Awami League and its leaders and activists and she (Bangamata) even sold her ornaments to run the organisation, the premier said.   "My mother helped my father achieve the country's independence through her noble sacrifice," she added.   Referring to the Bangamata's life and works, Sheikh Hasina urged the country's womenfolk to follow the ideal of her mother devoting themselves to the welfare of the nation staying above the personal likings and disliking.   "I told all women of Bangladesh to work for welfare of the people being inspired by the ideal of Bangamata," she added.   After opening a women hostel named after Begum Fazilatun Nesa Mujib in city, she asked the Women and Children Affairs Ministry to take measures in establishing hostels for working women at district and upazila levels to ensure their safe accommodation.   If accommodation can be ensured at upazila level then women will be inspired to work, she added. Five women who received "Bangamata Begum Fazilatun Nesa Mujib Padak-2022", the highest state honour for women, are: Syeda Zebunnesa Haque (Sylhet) in politics, lawmaker Selima Ahmed (Cumilla) in economics, Dhaka University's former Pro-Vice Chancellor Nasreen Ahmad in education, Mst Achhia Alam (Kishoreganj) in social service and valiant freedom fighter of Gopalganj district Ashalata Baidya (commander during the Liberation War) in independence and Liberation War.   Each recipient got a medal made of 40gm of 18-carat gold, a cheque of Taka 4 lakh and a certificate of honour. On behalf of the Prime Minister, State Minister for Women and Children Affairs Fazilatun Nessa Indira handed over the Padak introduced last year. The premier also inaugurated handing over financial assistance and sewing machines among insolvent women across the country on Bangamata's birth anniversary.   Marking the birth anniversary of Bangamata, financial assistance of Taka 50 lakh is being distributed among 2500 insolvent women. Each of the women is getting Taka 2000. Of the total amount, Taka 13 lakhs are being distributed among the women of flood hit districts, Sylhet, Sunamganj, Moulovibazar, Habiganj and Netrokona. Besides, a total 4,500 sewing machines are being distributed across the country. She unveiled the cover of a book written by her titled "Sheikh Fazilatun Nesa Amar Maa" at the function as well. With the state minister in the chair, Women and Children Affairs Secretary Md. Hasanuzzaman Kallol gave the address of welcome while eminent writer Anwara Syed Haq delivered the keynote speech. Jatiyo Mohila Sangstha Chairman Begum Chemon Ara Tayab also spoke at the function.   On behalf of the Padak recipients, Syeda Zebunnesa Haque spoke at the ceremony expressing her feelings.   Two video documentaries on the life and works of Bangamata Begum Fazilatun Nesa Mujib, mother of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, and Begum Fazilatun Nesa Mujib women hostel were screened at the function. Bangamata was born on August 8 in 1930 at Tungipara village in Gopalganj. She was killed brutally along with Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most of his family members on the fateful night of August 15 in 1975. The birthday of Bangamata is being observed across the country in a befitting manner.   Alongside the government, various political and socio-cultural organisations have chalked out elaborate programmes that included discussions to observe the day. Wreath was placed at her grave in the city's Banani area this morning.   President M Abdul Hamid and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina gave separate messages on the eve of the 92nd birth anniversary of Bangamata.   State owned Bangladesh Television and Bangladesh Betar in addition to other electronic media are broadcasting special programmes to mark the day. Source: BSS AH

Sri Lanka’s president on Sunday reappointed as prime minister the same man he sacked from the job nearly two months ago, ending a power struggle that paralyzed the island nation. Ranil Wickremesinghe, whose shock dismissal in late October threw Sri Lanka into an unprecedented constitutional crisis, was sworn in at a closed-door ceremony in the president’s office in Colombo. Reports AFP. The 69-year-old had refused to step aside since being dumped and replaced by controversial strongman Mahinda Rajapakse — leaving the country with two men claiming the premiership and no functioning government. The ousted premier had long asserted his dismissal was illegal, a view supported by Sri Lanka’s parliament which six times voted against Rajapakse’s claim to rule during tumultuous sessions that erupted into brawls. President Maithripala Sirisena had refused to bow to pressure as the country drifted, declaring he would never reappoint Wickremesinghe and deriding his once-ally in public speeches as their alliance imploded. The acrimony between the two was underscored Sunday when Sirisena berated Wickremesinghe and his supporters at length following the swearing-in, one legislator present told AFP. After the frosty reception, which Sirisena closed to the press, the reinstated prime minister thanked parliament and “all those who campaigned to restore democracy”. “The first priority is to restore normality,” he said in a brief address to the nation. “The work we initiated had been brought to a standstill.” There was no immediate reaction from Sirisena or Rajapakse, who stood down Saturday. But Namal Rajapakse, his son and also a legislator, publicly extended his congratulations to Wickremesinghe. India, which like the United States and others in the global community urged the warring factions to resolve their differences, welcomed an end to hostilities. “This is a reflection of the maturity demonstrated by all political forces, and also of the resilience of Sri Lankan democracy and its institutions,” India’s foreign ministry spokesman said Sunday. Wickremesinghe said he will form a cabinet in the coming days. Officials said priority will be given to the 2019 budget — without which Sri Lanka risks government shutdown and defaulting on its sizeable foreign debt. – Bitter end – Sirisena’s resistance became untenable after the country’s highest court last week ruled that he acted outside the constitution when he dissolved parliament on November 9 and called early elections. Some factions within Sri Lanka’s parliament have pushed for Sirisena to be investigated — and possibly impeached — for orchestrating what they say was a coup. Rajapakse, who Sirisena appointed in a sudden, late-night oath-taking ceremony, pressed ahead forming a purported government and naming a cabinet even as parliament cut off state funds to his office. The Supreme Court confirmed Rajapakse could not exercise the powers of a prime minister until he proved his legitimacy — which without enough support in parliament was impossible. On Saturday Rajapakse — who presided over the bloody end to Sri Lanka’s civil war in 2009 — backed down, signaling the standoff had come to a bitter close. However, the strongman, whose past administrations were accused of gross rights abuses and whose family still holds considerable sway in Sri Lanka, promised to make a comeback at local elections next year. “There is no doubt at all that the people who stood by us since 2015 (when he lost the presidential election) will continue to support us in the future as well,” he said addressing his close associates. “We will bring the forces opposed to the country down to their knees by organizing the people.” The country has been heading for a government shutdown as parliament failed to approve spending for 2019, and credit rating agencies downgraded its debt amid fears of a sovereign default. There were doubts about the country’s ability to repay $1.5 billion due to bond holders by January 10 without a legitimate administration in power. AH

Sri Lanka’s crisis looked over on Saturday as strongman Mahinda Rajapakse bowed out of a power battle that had crippled the island nation for seven weeks and sent it heading for a possible debt default. Rajapakse held a multi-religious service at his home where he signed a letter backing down from the post of prime minister controversially conferred on him on October 26. Hours after the receiving blessings from the clergy, the 73-year-old ex- president sounded bitter and vowed to make a comeback at local council elections. “There is no doubt at all that the people who stood by us since 2015 will continue to support us in the future as well,” he said addressing his close associates. “We will bring the forces opposed to the country down to their knees by organizing the people.” His aides said he was returning a fleet of limousines he had used since his disputed appointment. President Maithripala Sirisena triggered the political turmoil by sacking premier Ranil Wickremesinghe and replacing him with his flamboyant former foe Rajapakse. But Wickremesinghe refused to step down insisting that his sacking was illegal, leaving the Indian Ocean nation of 21 million people with two men claiming the premiership. Rajapakse was then defeated in a no-confidence motion on November 14. However, the following day, Speaker Karu Jayasuriya ruled that he would recognize neither man as prime minister, leaving Sri Lanka effectively without a government. – Risked sovereign default – The country was then heading for a government shutdown as parliament failed to approve spending for 2019 and credit rating agencies downgraded its debt amid fears of a sovereign default. There were doubts about the country’s ability to repay $1.5 billion due to bond holders by January 10 without a legally constituted administration. Rajapakse’s son Namal had announced Friday that his father — who as president ended Sri Lanka’s civil war in 2009 amid allegations of grave rights abuses — would throw in the towel “to ensure stability”. Rajapakse’s decision came after the Supreme Court confirmed that he could not exercise the powers of a prime minister until he proved his legitimacy, which without enough support in parliament was impossible. In a major climb-down, Sirisena agreed on Friday to reinstate Wickremesinghe on Sunday despite previously insisting he would never in his lifetime reappoint him as prime minister. There was no immediate comment from Sirisena or his office on Saturday. But an MP from his party, Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena, told reporters on Friday night that the president agreed to the latest measures to avoid a government shutdown after December 31. “If the stalemate continued, we would have ended up without a budget for 2019 and the government would not have been able to function,” Abeywardena said. On Wednesday, the legislature had voted overwhelmingly to demand the reinstatement of Wickremesinghe. The leftist JVP, or the People’s Liberation Front, insists that Sirisena should be investigated for orchestrating what they call a coup and that there should also be an impeachment process. On Thursday Sirisena suffered a major blow when the Supreme Court ruled that he had breached the constitution on November 9 by dissolving parliament and calling early elections. His sacking of parliament had earlier been suspended, but the legislature descended into farce on multiple occasions with MPs throwing punches, hurling projectiles and chili powder and boycotting proceedings. Source: AFP AH